Journal of Social and Political Psychology https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp <p>The&nbsp;<em>Journal of Social and Political Psychology</em>&nbsp;(JSPP) is a peer-reviewed open-access journal (without author fees). It publishes articles at the intersection of social and political psychology from different epistemological, methodological, theoretical, and cultural perspectives and from different regions across the globe that substantially advance the understanding of social problems, their reduction, and the promotion of social justice.</p> en-US <p>Authors who publish with Journal of Social and Political Psychology (JSPP) agree to the following terms:</p> <p><a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img style="border-width: 0; float: left; margin-right: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;" src="https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by/4.0/88x31.png" alt="Creative Commons License"></a></p> <p>Articles are published under the <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License</a> (CC BY 4.0).</p> <p>Under the CC BY license, authors retain ownership of the copyright for their article, but authors grant others permission to use the content of publications in JSPP in whole or in part provided that the original work is properly cited. Users (redistributors) of JSPP are required to cite the original source, including the author's names, JSPP as the initial source of publication, year of publication, volume number and DOI (if available).</p> <p>Authors may publish the manuscript in any other journal or medium but any such subsequent publication must include a notice that the manuscript was initially published by JSPP.</p> <p>Authors grant JSPP the right of first publication. Although authors remain the copyright owner, they grant the journal the irrevocable, nonexclusive rights to publish, reproduce, publicly distribute and display, and transmit their article or portions thereof in any manner.</p> editors@jspp.psychopen.eu (Christopher Cohrs, Johanna Ray Vollhardt) support@jspp.psychopen.eu (PsychOpen Support Team) Wed, 16 Mar 2022 01:05:12 -0700 OJS 3.1.2.4 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Covert Prejudice and Discourses of Otherness During the Refugee Crisis: Α Case Study of the Greek Islands’ Press https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/5633 <p>This study identifies the recurrent repertoires of covert prejudice in the regional press of three Greek islands (Lesvos, Chios, Samos) during the refugee crisis. Between 2015 and 2016, these islands were the first-line receiving communities for the many refugees and migrants who arrived in Europe through the Eastern Mediterranean route. This article applies a synthetic qualitative approach to discourse analysis, emphasizing the argumentation and narrative complexity of prejudiced discourse as articulated through the idiosyncratic prism of locality. By focusing our analysis on expressions of neo-racism, symbolic and aversive racism, our study identified five interpretative repertoires of prejudicial discourse: “superfluous bodies,” “threats of multiculturalism,” “agents of misery,” “bogus refugees,” and “capitalizing on the refugee crisis.”</p> Vasiliki-Ioanna Konstantopoulou, Orestis Didymiotis, Gerasimos Kouzelis Copyright (c) 2022 Vasiliki-Ioanna Konstantopoulou, Orestis Didymiotis, Gerasimos Kouzelis https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/5633 Tue, 17 May 2022 00:00:00 -0700 In the State We Trust? Attachment-Related Avoidance Is Related to Lower Trust, Both in Other People and in Welfare State Institutions https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8381 <p>Social and political trust are crucial for societal well-being and are linked to lower levels of corruption as well as to the size of the welfare state. Interpersonal trust is shaped through attachment-related experiences in close interpersonal relationships. However, previous research has not linked these two strands of research, yielding an important knowledge gap about the potential implications of attachment for social and political trust. Therefore, we investigated whether attachment orientations are related to both social trust and trust in the welfare state. Data were collected in two countries with different organization and size of the welfare state, the United States (n = 284) and Sweden (n = 280). In both countries, attachment-related avoidance (but not anxiety) was negatively related both to social trust and trust in the welfare state, even after controlling for pertinent confounds. Our findings also suggested that social trust may mediate the link between avoidance and trust in the welfare state. These results cohere with an assumption that people’s attachment-related working models may extend to their models of the world at large. We conclude that interpersonal parameters should be considered to fully understand the development of trust in political institutions.</p> Joel Gruneau Brulin, Torun Lindholm, Pehr Granqvist Copyright (c) 2022 Joel Gruneau Brulin, Torun Lindholm, Pehr Granqvist https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8381 Mon, 16 May 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Sympathizing With the Radical Right: Effects of Mainstream Party Recognition and Control of Prejudice https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9235 <p>The electoral success of radical right parties throughout Western Europe is the biggest change to these formerly stable party systems. Several studies have identified that mainstream parties can shape the trajectory of radical right parties. Our aim is to contribute to this literature, and to investigate if and how radical right parties gain from mainstream party recognition. Theoretically, we draw on the literature that has suggested that when aiming to explain the legitimization of radical right parties, we need to consider that many individuals in Western Europe are influenced by an anti-prejudice norm when forming preferences towards such parties. We hypothesize that when mainstream parties signal that it is acceptable to associate with radical right parties’ they challenge the anti-prejudice norm that dissuade voters from such parties. In addition, individuals with lower internal motivation to control prejudice (IMCP) are more susceptible to be affected by mainstream party recognition of radical right parties as those with high IMCP have a stronger internalized anti-prejudice norm. We evaluate the effects of changes in the normative context in a survey experiment (N = 1133) by manipulating mainstream party legitimization of a radical right party, the Sweden Democrats, before the Swedish parliamentary election in 2018. Our results suggest that when mainstream parties challenge the anti-prejudice norm, individuals are more likely to sympathize with radical right parties. Moreover, the effect of mainstream party recognition is moderated by IMCP – individuals with a low motivation to appear non-prejudiced are more influenced by mainstream party legitimization of a radical right party.</p> Kalle Ekholm, Hanna Bäck, Emma A. Renström Copyright (c) 2022 Kalle Ekholm, Hanna Bäck, Emma A. Renström https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9235 Fri, 13 May 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Can Unexpected Support Promote Environmental Policy Acceptability? An Experimental Investigation of Norm Source and Strength https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9287 <p>Two experiments tested how environmental policy acceptability of US conservatives and liberals was influenced by manipulating the level (minority vs. majority) and source (in-group vs. outgroup) of normative support for policy. Results from 928 MechanicalTurk users (Study 1: N = 268, Study 2: N = 660) indicated that when evaluating an in-group policy (that participants expect their own political group to support), communicating outgroup support increases acceptability compared with communicating in-group support. The outgroup norm has a positive indirect effect via the inference that the in-group is even more supportive of the policy than the outgroup is. In contrast, when evaluating an outgroup policy, communicating in-group support indirectly yields higher acceptability than communicating outgroup support, via the inference that the outgroup is more supportive than the in-group is. This effect mainly occurred for individuals with strong ideological identification and was independent of level of support (minority vs. majority). Results indicate that bipartisan support for environmental policies can be achieved by strategic communication of normative information about political groups.</p> Emma Ejelöv, André Hansla, Andreas Nilsson Copyright (c) 2022 Emma Ejelöv, André Hansla, Andreas Nilsson https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9287 Wed, 11 May 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Influences of Nationality and National Identification on Perceived Dangerousness of COVID-19 Variants and Perceived Effectiveness of COVID-19 Vaccines: A Study of UK and Portuguese Samples https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7425 <p>During the COVID-19 pandemic, both variants of the virus that causes the disease and vaccines developed to combat it have been identified with nationalities. Both social identity theory and identity process theory would predict that this would initiate intergroup differentiation processes aimed at optimizing ingroup value and personal identity enhancement. Our study examined whether people’s nationality and level of national identification influence their perception of dangerousness of variants and effectiveness of vaccines. We compared data collected by online survey in March 2021 from the UK (which was associated with both a variant and a vaccine) and Portugal (which was associated with neither). The Portuguese rated variants overall as more dangerous than did the UK sample. The Chinese variant was rated by both samples as the least dangerous and the UK sample rated the British variant as less dangerous than did the Portuguese. Higher national identification in the UK sample was associated with differentiating more between the British variant and the South African variant and differentiating it less from the Chinese variant. The UK sample rated the effectiveness of the British vaccine higher than did the Portuguese. They also evaluated it as more effective than the American, Chinese and Indian vaccines. In both samples, higher national identification was associated with lower ratings of effectiveness for vaccines originating in China or India. Our study suggests that identity processes associated with national identification do influence perceptions of vaccines and variants. This has significant practice and policy implications. Social representations of variants and vaccines in nationalistic terms can have complex and unexpected consequences.</p> Glynis M. Breakwell, Cristina Camilo, Rusi Jaspal, Maria Luisa Lima Copyright (c) 2022 Glynis M. Breakwell, Cristina Camilo, Rusi Jaspal, Maria Luisa Lima https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7425 Tue, 10 May 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Differentiating Between Direct and Indirect Hate Crime: Results From Poland https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9285 <p>Inspired by individual-level research on direct and indirect as well as reactive and proactive aggression, this article proposes to differentiate direct and indirect types of hate crime. We use the largest hate crime database in Poland (N = 3,153 incidents) to analyze: (1) temporal trends in the relative prevalence of two types of hate crime; (2) the involvement of hate group-affiliated and non-hate group-affiliated perpetrators; and (3) the targeting of victims that are perceived to pose more of a symbolic (vs. more of a realistic threat) to the majority group. Results indicate that direct hate crime was more likely than indirect hate crime to be perpetrated by members and affiliates of hate groups, was more likely to target outgroups seen as posing symbolic rather than realistic threat to the majority group, and was also positively related to societal levels of negative intergroup attitudes and negatively related to unemployment. The findings also show that the two types of hate crime are differently predicted by factors indicative of the social and political climate of the country (e.g., unemployment, political preferences, xenophobia). Although the results were only obtained in one cultural context and will benefit from further validation, they provide very promising initial evidence for the predictive utility of distinguishing direct and indirect hate-crime.</p> Anna Stefaniak, Mikołaj Winiewski Copyright (c) 2022 Anna Stefaniak, Mikołaj Winiewski https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/9285 Wed, 04 May 2022 06:31:32 -0700 Populist Attitudes and Conspiracy Beliefs: Exploring the Relation Between the Latent Structures of Populist Attitudes and Conspiracy Beliefs https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7969 <p>Despite the alleged affinity between populism and conspiracy theories, how they relate on the individual level remains relatively unknown. This study explores the relation between populist attitudes and conspiracy beliefs at the individual level. First, I test whether the conspiracist facets, which directly involve governmental participation, are associated with the dimensions of populist attitudes. Further, I examine the relation of political trust with the dimensions and facets of both constructs as well as their predictive power of the self-reported propensity to vote for a populist party. To test these assumptions, a cross-sectional study was conducted in Germany. Confirmatory factor analyses indicate a strong association between conspiracist facets that directly involve governmental participation and the anti-elitism and sovereignty dimensions of populist attitudes. Findings further show that low political trust is related to all dimensions of populist attitudes–especially anti-elitism–and to the conspiracist facets. Furthermore, the sovereignty dimension of populist attitudes and low political trust predict the propensity to vote for the right-wing populist party AfD. These findings provide new insights to a more nuanced understanding of populism on the individual level and the relation to conspiracy beliefs.</p> Clara Christner Copyright (c) 2022 Clara Christner https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7969 Tue, 26 Apr 2022 00:00:00 -0700 From Moral Disaster to Moral Entitlement – The Impact of Success in Dealing With a Perpetrator Past on Perceived Ingroup Morality and Claims for Historical Closure https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8337 <p>Germany’s past is marked not only by the atrocities of the Holocaust, but also by a history of collective attempts to come to terms with these crimes. The present paper focuses on the previously rarely explored consequences of perceived success in dealing with a perpetrator past for the moral ingroup-image and the demand for an end to the discussion of this chapter of history (i.e., demand for historical closure). In one correlational study (N = 982) and three experimental studies (N = 904), we found robust evidence for a positive association between perceived success in dealing with the Nazi past and perceived ingroup morality. The results on the assumed influence of success on claims for historical closure, mediated by morality, were only partly supportive and inconsistent, particularly when controlling for political orientation and collective narcissism. However, final single-paper meta-analyses revealed a significant association between perceived ingroup morality and demand for historical closure (K = 5), as well as a small but significant effect of success (vs. failure) on demand for historical closure (K = 4), even when accounting for political orientation. Implications for understanding ethical self-views in historical perpetrator groups and recurring debates about a ‘Schlussstrich’ on the German Nazi past are discussed.</p> Fiona Kazarovytska, Moritz Kretzschmar, Pia Lamberty, Jonas Rees, Judith Knausenberger, Roland Imhoff Copyright (c) 2022 Fiona Kazarovytska, Moritz Kretzschmar, Pia Lamberty, Jonas Rees, Judith Knausenberger, Roland Imhoff https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8337 Tue, 19 Apr 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Attitudes Shape Implicit Temporal Trajectories: A Quantitative Test of the Narrative Structure of Collective Memories of Colonialism https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7587 <p>This article investigates how Belgian participants’ implicit temporal trajectories regarding the history of Belgian colonialism in the Congo vary as a function of their attitudes towards colonialism and thus create different collective memories. We reasoned that, depending on their attitudes towards Belgian colonialism, individuals may draw on different schematic narrative templates to structure their own implicit temporal trajectory of colonial history. Consequently, we predicted that the shape of individual implicit temporal trajectories should vary according to their attitudes. Specifically, we expected that positive attitudes towards colonialism would be associated with implicit temporal trajectories in which the colonial period is seen as more positive than before and after colonialism, creating an inverted U-shaped implicit temporal trajectory, while negative attitudes towards colonialism should be associated with the opposite trend – U-shaped implicit trajectories. We measured the attitudes towards colonialism of Belgian participants (n = 129), then their social representations of three historical periods: before, during and after Belgian colonialism. Overall, results supported these hypotheses. This study complements previous narrative psychology investigations by bringing quantitative evidence according to which collective memories are structured as implicit temporal trajectories that are in line with people’s attitudes.</p> Simona Lastrego, Charlotte Janssens, Olivier Klein, Laurent Licata Copyright (c) 2022 Simona Lastrego, Charlotte Janssens, Olivier Klein, Laurent Licata https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/7587 Wed, 16 Mar 2022 00:00:00 -0700 Personal Migrant Stories as Persuasive Devices: Effects of Audience–Character Similarity and Narrative Voice https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8237 <p>The design of campaigns for the improvement of intergroup attitudes requires innovative approaches that consider both the characteristics of the messages and the psychological processes they evoke. This work addresses the study of factors that increase the persuasive effectiveness of testimonial messages aimed at improving attitudes towards stigmatized immigrants. An experiment was conducted using a representative sample of 443 participants of Spanish origin on the effect of similarity to the protagonist and the narrative voice. Two mediating mechanisms (identification with the protagonist and cognitive elaboration) were evaluated, and the indirect effect of the two independent variables was studied with respect to two dependent variables: the attitude towards immigration and the intention to collaborate with NGOs to support immigrants. Similarity to the protagonist of the narrative message increased identification only when the participants read the version written in the first person. In addition, a conditional process model was tested, revealing that identification increased cognitive elaboration, which, in turn, was associated with a more favorable attitude towards immigration and a greater intention to collaborate with immigrant support organizations. This study highlights the relevance of the characteristics of narrative messages to increase affective (identification) and cognitive (elaboration) processes that explain their persuasive impact. The results are discussed in the context of research on narrative persuasion and the design of campaigns for the prevention of racism and xenophobia.</p> Juan-José Igartua, Iñigo Guerrero-Martín Copyright (c) 2022 Juan-José Igartua, Iñigo Guerrero-Martín https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0 https://jspp.psychopen.eu/index.php/jspp/article/view/8237 Wed, 16 Mar 2022 00:00:00 -0700