Journal of Social and Political Psychology <p>The&nbsp;<em>Journal of Social and Political Psychology</em>&nbsp;(JSPP) is a peer-reviewed open-access journal (without author fees). It publishes articles at the intersection of social and political psychology from different epistemological, methodological, theoretical, and cultural perspectives and from different regions across the globe that substantially advance the understanding of social problems, their reduction, and the promotion of social justice.</p> en-US <p>Authors who publish with Journal of Social and Political Psychology (JSPP) agree to the following terms:</p> <p><a href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener"><img style="border-width: 0; float: left; margin-right: 2em; margin-bottom: 1em;" src="" alt="Creative Commons License"></a></p> <p>Articles are published under the <a href="" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License</a> (CC BY 4.0).</p> <p>Under the CC BY license, authors retain ownership of the copyright for their article, but authors grant others permission to use the content of publications in JSPP in whole or in part provided that the original work is properly cited. Users (redistributors) of JSPP are required to cite the original source, including the author's names, JSPP as the initial source of publication, year of publication, volume number and DOI (if available).</p> <p>Authors may publish the manuscript in any other journal or medium but any such subsequent publication must include a notice that the manuscript was initially published by JSPP.</p> <p>Authors grant JSPP the right of first publication. Although authors remain the copyright owner, they grant the journal the irrevocable, nonexclusive rights to publish, reproduce, publicly distribute and display, and transmit their article or portions thereof in any manner.</p> (Christopher Cohrs, Johanna Ray Vollhardt) (PsychOpen Support Team) Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:14:15 -0800 OJS 60 Editorial Report and Acknowledgement of Reviewers, 2020 <p>No abstract available.</p> J. Christopher Cohrs, Johanna Ray Vollhardt Copyright (c) 2021 J. Christopher Cohrs; Johanna Ray Vollhardt Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 A Hundred Years of Debates on Sex Differences: Developing Research for Social Change <p>After women secured the right to vote some hundred years ago, the assertions about their innate inferiority gradually began to vanish, giving way to theories about the countless aspects which apparently differentiated them from men. In this paper, we follow the evolution of research on sex differences, starting with the work of the first female psychologists who questioned the theories that justified women’s subordinate positions in society. We trace the main developments of the studies on sex differences, their relationship with social roles, gender stereotypes, and gender identity, and describe the strategies used to highlight the role of society rather than of biology in shaping men and women’s personalities and behaviors. We describe the controversies this area of research gave rise to, the debates over its political implications, and the changes observed over time in women’s social positions and within research perspectives. Finally, we discuss the mutually reinforcing effects of social organization and lay conceptions of gender and reflect on how the field of research on sex differences has contributed to building a fairer society.</p> Gabrielle Poeschl Copyright (c) 2021 Gabrielle Poeschl Mon, 07 Jun 2021 07:53:38 -0700 Political Motivation: A Referent Evaluation Mathematical Model <p>Mathematical modelling is popular in cognitive psychology because it enables clear and formal descriptions of the processes at play; yet, this approach has rarely been applied to political psychology. Here we adopt mathematical modelling to develop a theory of political motivation, which is a central concept in political psychology. The theory assumes that, in certain contexts, individuals entertain a set of representations of society, for example of the past, present and future (but also of fictive societies such as utopias). To each representation of society, an incentive value is attached which is not absolute, but (following theories of motivation in cognitive psychology) reference-dependent; namely, dependent on the context, corresponding to the whole set of representations of society. In turn, the model proposes that these subjective values determine two central aspects: a motivation for performing an appropriate political action and the ensuing political mood. We discuss the model with respect to theoretical and empirical research (and we examine Marx and Engel’s communist manifesto as an example of the latter). In short, we offer a new mathematical perspective on political motivation which emphasises the role of multiple representations of society in determining political motivation and the ensuing political mood.</p> Francesco Rigoli Copyright (c) 2021 Francesco Rigoli Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 Motivated to Express: Salience of Oppression Toward Other Women Encourages Women’s Self-Expression <p>Women’s oppression undermines and inhibits women but may also prompt an enterprising reaction. In this paper, three studies explored the extent to which women respond to awareness of the oppression of other women with an increased desire for self-expression, a reactive but constructive response. Study 1 explored reactions to two forms of other women’s oppression: restricted self-expression and restricted economic opportunities. Women reported an increased desire to self-express after exposure to either form of oppression, as compared to a control group. Study 2 compared British women’s reactions to stories of a woman versus a man being oppressed, finding the former group wrote more words about an unrelated, but timely and consequential topic (Brexit). Finally, Study 3 replicated the effect of greater self-expression after being exposed to women’s oppression, and furthermore identified an indirect effect through reactance. Findings are discussed in relation to identity, constructive forms of reactance, and implications for current women’s rights movements.</p> Maya Al-Khouja, Netta Weinstein, Nicole Legate Copyright (c) 2021 Maya Al-Khouja, Netta Weinstein, Nicole Legate Thu, 22 Jul 2021 02:06:25 -0700 Retrospective Economic Judgments Predict Individual-Level Changes in Vote Preference in the US <p>While many studies have investigated what predicts citizens’ vote preferences, less is known about what predicts change in citizens’ vote preferences over time. This paper focuses on the role of judgments about national economy in the recent past (i.e., “sociotropic economic retrospections”). Two longitudinal studies show that sociotropic economic retrospections (along with partisanship, ideology, and whether incumbent is running for re-election) at a given time point predict within-person changes in vote choice over time. Furthermore, cross-lagged panel analyses found that sociotropic economic retrospections and political preferences may have reciprocal effects on each other. Together, these results illustrate the temporal dimension of economic voting by suggesting that sociotropic economic retrospections not only predict votes at single points in time, but also individual-level shifts in vote preference over time. As such, the association between sociotropic economic retrospections and vote preference is more dynamic than past literature suggests.</p> Hui Bai, Christopher M. Federico Copyright (c) 2021 Hui Bai, Christopher M. Federico Thu, 22 Jul 2021 01:52:07 -0700 Do Conspiracy Beliefs Form a Belief System? Examining the Structure and Organization of Conspiracy Beliefs <p>Despite regular reference to conspiracy theories as a “belief system,” few studies have attempted to explore the structure and organization of conspiracy beliefs beyond an examination of correlations between those beliefs. Employing unique data from two national surveys that includes respondent beliefs in 27 conspiracy theories, we decipher the substantive dimensions along which conspiracy beliefs are organized, as well as subgroupings within those dimensions. We find that variation in these conspiracy beliefs can be accounted for with two dimensions: the first regards partisan and ideological identities, while the other is composed of anti-social orientations, such as narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and acceptance of political violence. Importantly, these two dimensions are uncorrelated. We also find that conspiracy beliefs group together by substantive content, such as those regarding partisan actors or science/medicine. Our findings also demonstrate that inferences about the correlates of conspiracy beliefs are highly contingent on the specific conspiracy theories employed by researchers. We provide suggestions for future research in this vein.</p> Adam M. Enders, Joseph E. Uscinski, Casey A. Klofstad, Michelle I. Seelig, Stefan Wuchty, Manohar N. Murthi, Kamal Premaratne, John R. Funchion Copyright (c) 2021 Adam M. Enders, Joseph E. Uscinski, Casey A. Klofstad, Michelle I. Seelig, Stefan Wuchty, Manohar N. Murthi, Kamal Premaratne, John R. Funchion Tue, 29 Jun 2021 01:06:16 -0700 Older Workers’ Evaluations of the Political Goal to Extend Working Life: Discursive Approach to the “Attitude Problem” <p>Population ageing presents major challenges to the welfare system across the European Union. Consequently, emphasizing delayed retirement age and extended working lives abound in political discussions. Researchers have recognized numerous problems, which make the extended working life a challenging political task. One of these problems are citizens’ negative attitudes toward delayed retirement and extended working life. In this paper, we approach this “attitude problem” from the perspective of discursive social psychology and analyze the variation in the way aspirations to extend working lives are evaluated by older workers. The data analyzed in the study consists of interviews where participants between 50 and 65 years of age comment on the political goal to extend working lives. The article sheds light on the “attitude problem” by turning the attention from underlying individual preferences to discursive resources used to undermine the political goal and the situational functions these evaluative practices have.</p> Miira Niska, Pirjo Nikander Copyright (c) 2021 Miira Niska, Pirjo Nikander Mon, 07 Jun 2021 08:00:08 -0700 Materialist and Post-Materialist Concerns and the Wish for a Strong Leader in 27 Countries <p>There is evidence that democracies are under threat around the world while the quest for strong leaders is increasing. Although the causes of these developments are complex and multifaceted, here we focus on one factor: the extent to which citizens express materialist and post-materialist concerns. We explore whether objective higher levels of democracy are differentially associated with materialist and post-materialist concerns and, in turn, whether this is related to the wish for a strong leader. Testing this hypothesis across 27 countries (N = 5,741) demonstrated a direct negative effect of democracies’ development on the wish for a strong leader. Further, multi-level mediation analysis showed that the relation between the Democracy Index and the wish for a strong leader was mediated by materialist concerns. This pattern of results suggests that lower levels of democracy are associated with enhanced concerns about basic needs and this is linked to greater support for strong leaders.</p> Marcus E. O. Lima, Dalila X. de França, Jolanda Jetten, Cícero R. Pereira, Michael J. A. Wohl, Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti, Ying-yi Hong, Ana Raquel Torres, Rui Costa-Lopes, Amarina Ariyanto, Frédérique Autin, Nadia Ayub, Constantina Badea, Tomasz Besta, Fabrizio Butera, Carole Fantini-Hauwel, Gillian Finchilescu, Lowell Gaertner, Mario Gollwitzer, Ángel Gómez, Roberto González, Dorthe Høj Jensen, Minoru Karasawa, Thomas Kessler, Olivier Klein, Laura Megevand, Thomas Morton, Maria Paola Paladino, Tibor Polya, Tuuli Anna Renvik, Aleksejs Ruza, Wan Shahrazad, Sushama Shama, Heather J. Smith, Ali Teymoori, Anne Marthe van der Bles Copyright (c) 2021 Marcus E. O. Lima, Dalila X. de França, Jolanda Jetten, Cícero R. Pereira, Michael J. A. Wohl, Inga Jasinskaja-Lahti, Ying-yi Hong, Ana Raquel Torres, Rui Costa-Lopes, Amarina Ariyanto, Frédérique Autin, Nadia Ayub, Constantina Badea, Tomasz Besta, Fabrizio Butera, Carole Fantini-Hauwel, Gillian Finchilescu, Lowell Gaertner, Mario Gollwitzer, Ángel Gómez, Roberto González, Dorthe Høj Jensen, Minoru Karasawa, Thomas Kessler, Olivier Klein, Laura Megevand, Thomas Morton, Maria Paola Paladino, Tibor Polya, Tuuli Anna Renvik, Aleksejs Ruza, Wan Shahrazad, Sushama Shama, Heather J. Smith, Ali Teymoori, Anne Marthe van der Bles Mon, 10 May 2021 02:03:57 -0700 Prejudice in Disguise: Which Features Determine the Subtlety of Ethnically Prejudicial Statements? <p>In current immigration debates ethnic prejudice is often expressed in a subtle manner, which conceals its xenophobic content. However, previous research has only insufficiently examined the specific features that make certain ethnically prejudicial statements subtler, i.e., less readily identifiable as xenophobic, than others. The current study employs an experimental factorial survey design and assesses the subtlety of systematically manipulated prejudicial statements. Our data from a German random population sample (N = 895) indicate that the subtlety of ethnically prejudicial statements is manipulable along the dimensions of topic, linguistic (essentialist) phrasing, and target group: Prejudicial statements that refer to culture, that are phrased weakly essentialistically, and that target Muslims were subtlest, in being evaluated as least xenophobic by the respondents. Moreover, with an increasing internal and a decreasing external motivation to respond without prejudice, individuals reacted more strongly to the variation of the statements’ topic and linguistic phrasing and were thus more sensitive to features determining subtler and more blatant ways of ethnic prejudice expression. These findings contribute to a better understanding of current migration discourses, in demonstrating that the specific manner in which ethnic prejudice is communicated can camouflage the xenophobic nature of a statement, so that it is less readily recognized as prejudicial.</p> Karolina Fetz, Martin Kroh Copyright (c) 2021 Karolina Fetz, Martin Kroh Mon, 10 May 2021 01:58:33 -0700 Empowered and Resilient: Educating Young People in Neoliberal Ideology <p>This article recovers the concept of "Ideology", anathematised by postmodern hegemony; here, taken out of the theoretical opprobrium in which it is found, I use it to carry out a critique of a youth-oriented community development program in the city of Barcelona. This approach should not be an exception, given that young people are so mercilessly bombarded with social programs elaborated around clearly ideological concepts such as "resilience" or "empowerment". Contrary to a certain commonplace narrative that defends the withdrawal of the State while facing the forces of the market, that process of neoliberal ideologisation is carried out not only with the acquiescence of states, but also with their active participation. The analysis of a public program such as this one shows, empirically, how governments are complicit with market forces through programs that transmit and put into practice neoliberal ideology.</p> Horacio Espinosa Zepeda Copyright (c) 2021 Horacio Espinosa Zepeda Tue, 20 Apr 2021 00:11:32 -0700 Walls Block Waves: Using an Inundation Metaphor of Immigration Predicts Support for a Border Wall <p>From early 20th century headlines to presidential tweets, immigration is described frequently in terms of waves, floods, and tides. Although usage of this inundation metaphor has been widely documented, its potential influence on immigration attitudes has not been assessed empirically. Building from conceptual metaphor theory’s claim that abstract ideas can be grounded in simpler, concrete concepts, we hypothesized that using the inundation metaphor to understand immigration contributes to support for a U.S.—Mexico border wall as a figurative means to block immigrants. Accordingly, social media posts supporting a border wall contained more inundation-metaphoric expressions than messages opposing a wall and messages opposing immigration without reference to a wall (Study 1; N = 4,067). Converging experimental tests show, when controlling for political attitudes, exposure to the inundation metaphor increases support for a border wall (Studies 2a and 2b; N = 737). These findings add to the growing body of evidence that political cognition and policy attitudes are partly motivated by metaphoric comparisons to concrete ideas that are irrelevant in a literal sense.</p> Tyler Jimenez, Jamie Arndt, Mark J. Landau Copyright (c) 2021 Tyler Jimenez, Jamie Arndt, Mark J. Landau Tue, 20 Apr 2021 00:08:22 -0700 Beyond General Political Attitudes: Conspiracy Mentality as a Global Belief System Predicts Endorsement of International and Local Conspiracy Theories <p>Conspiracy mentality is a general tendency to attribute significant events to the actions of malevolent actors, without referencing to a specific event. In two independent representative surveys of adult Serbian citizens (N1 = 1194; N2 = 1258) we validated Serbian version of the conspiracy mentality questionnaire (CMQ), a reasonably content-free tool designed to capture global conspiratorial beliefs. We successfully validated the adapted CMQ and replicated findings on two national representative samples. In both studies the results demonstrated: good psychometric properties of the CMQ and its predictive capacity for endorsing the international Conspiracy Theories (CTs) (Study 1) and the locally specific CTs (Study 2) over and above the measures of perceptions of political climate (trust in institutions, corruption perception, feeling of insecurity – Study 1), and generalized political attitudes (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, political cynicism – Study 2). The study presents a unique adaptation and implementation of the CMQ in the non-English speaking country with very active and widespread conspiracy beliefs and a long history of conflicts.</p> Jasna Milošević Đorđević, Iris Žeželj, Živojin Đurić Copyright (c) 2021 Jasna Milošević Đorđević, Iris Žeželj, Živojin Đurić Fri, 26 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 Ideological and Psychological Predictors of COVID-19-Related Collective Action, Opinions, and Health Compliance Across Three Nations <p>Until vaccines or treatments are widely available and used, behavioral change (e.g. social distancing) on an unparalleled collective scale is the chief way to curb the spread of COVID-19. Relying on ideology and collective action models as conceptual frameworks, in the present study the role of ideological and psychological factors in COVID-19-related opinions, health compliance behaviors, and collective action were examined in three countries. Results, examining country as a moderator, showed some politically conservative orientations, especially social dominance orientation, relate to less collective action, less support of measures to manage COVID-19, and lower compliance. Variables, including empathy for those affected by COVID-19 and group efficacy also predicted COVID-19-related attitudes and behavior. Belief in science and perceived risk also emerged as key factors to impact compliance-related attitudes and behaviors. Implications for motivating collective compliance are discussed.</p> Becky L. Choma, Gordon Hodson, David Sumantry, Yaniv Hanoch, Michaela Gummerum Copyright (c) 2021 Becky L. Choma, Gordon Hodson, David Sumantry, Yaniv Hanoch, Michaela Gummerum Fri, 19 Feb 2021 03:20:46 -0800 Social Representations and Ideology: Theories of Common Sense About COVID-19 Among Middle-Class Brazilians and Their Ideological Implications <p>The COVID-19 pandemic has affected the lives of billions of people worldwide. Individuals and groups were compelled to construct theories of common sense about the disease to communicate and guide practices. The theory of social representations provides powerful concepts to analyse the psychosocial construction of COVID-19. This study aimed to understand the social representations of COVID-19 constructed by middle-class Brazilian adults and their ideological implications, providing a social-psychological analysis of these phenomena while the pandemic is still ongoing. We adopted a qualitative approach based on semi-structured in-depth interviews conducted online in April-May 2020. Participants were 13 middle-class Brazilians living in urban areas. We analysed the interviews with thematic analysis and a phenomenological approach. The social representations were organised around three themes: 1) a virus originated in human actions and with anthropocentric meanings (e.g., a punishment for the human-led destruction of the environment); 2) a dramatic disease that attacks the lungs and kills people perceived to have “low immunity”; and 3) a disturbing pandemic that was also conceived as a correction event with positive consequences. The social representations included beliefs about the individualistic determination of immunity, the attribution of divine causes to the pandemic, and the need for the moral reformation of humankind. The discussion highlights the ideological implications of these theories of common sense. Socially underprivileged groups are at greater COVID-19-related risk, which the investigated social representations may contribute to conceal and naturalise.</p> Luiz Gustavo Silva Souza, Emma O’Dwyer, Sabrine Mantuan dos Santos Coutinho, Sharmistha Chaudhuri, Laila Lilargem Rocha, Luciane Pessanha de Souza Copyright (c) 2021 Luiz Gustavo Silva Souza, Emma O’Dwyer, Sabrine Mantuan dos Santos Coutinho, Sharmistha Chaudhuri, Laila Lilargem Rocha, Luciane Pessanha de Souza Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 All Immigrants Are Not Alike: Intersectionality Matters in Views of Immigrant Groups <p>In two studies, we investigated how intersecting social categories shape views of immigrants in the United States. In Study 1, we analyzed 310 attributes generated by 92 participants for the category of immigrant and 30 additional immigrant groups with intersecting social categories (e.g. “undocumented immigrant”) reflecting various levels of social status. Using the Meaning Extraction Method (MEM) and factor analysis to examine shared meanings, we identified five factors; further comparative analyses of immigrant groups focused on the first two factors (Vulnerable vs. Hardworking, Drain vs. Asset). The importance of legal status for judgments on these two factors was evident in comparisons of the generic immigrant with four specific legal intersections. An examination of all 31 groups of immigrants showed that higher status groups were perceived as Hardworking (less Vulnerable) and high national Assets (low Drain), while lower status groups varied in Vulnerability perceptions but were generally thought to be Drains on the nation rather than Assets. In Study 2, 270 participants evaluated intersectional immigrant social categories that differed in combinations of higher status (privileged) and lower status (marginalized) social group memberships, using scales based on the terms identified by the factors in Study 1. Participants rated immigrant groups with two privileged statuses as less vulnerable and more likely to be an asset to the nation than immigrant groups with two marginalized or mixed statuses. The utility of a bottom-up intersectional approach to assess stereotype content of immigrant groups is discussed.</p> Özge Savaş, Ronni M. Greenwood, Benjamin T. Blankenship, Abigail J. Stewart, Kay Deaux Copyright (c) 2021 Özge Savaş, Ronni M. Greenwood, Benjamin T. Blankenship, Abigail J. Stewart, Kay Deaux Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 Accounting for a Riot: Religious Identity, Denying One's Prejudice, and the Tool of Blasphemy <p>This paper presents an analysis of interviews of participants in a political manifestation in Indonesia about the reasons for the rally and the resulting riot. The rally was held in the middle of the Jakarta gubernatorial election, against a non-Muslim incumbent who was accused of having insulted the Quran. We argue that there is a deep relationship between social identities and religion, which has implications for societal togetherness and political freedom. Using a snowball technique, we interviewed 16 Muslims who had participated in this rally. The findings suggest that 1) even though the rally was held in the middle of an election, the demonstrators denied that the rally was politically motivated; 2) Those demonstrators who thought that intruders had infiltrated the rally, maintained that the intruders are to be held responsible for any violence, but not the ‘actual’ participants. 3) Interviewees claimed that their actions were not motivated by anti-Chinese prejudice, although traces of racist thinking can be found in their statements. The findings are discussed before the background of social representations, social identity, theories of collective action, and the black sheep effect.</p> Idhamsyah Eka Putra, Wolfgang Wagner, Peter Holtz, Any Rufaedah Copyright (c) 2021 Idhamsyah Eka Putra, Wolfgang Wagner, Peter Holtz, Any Rufaedah Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 Sociopolitical Intellectual Humility as a Predictor of Political Attitudes and Behavioral Intentions <p>Recent research has highlighted the relevance of intellectual humility to politics. Among a U.S. sample (N = 852), we examined self-reported sociopolitical intellectual humility (SIH), a nonthreatening awareness of the fallibility of one’s views about topics central to society and politics. SIH was associated with being less likely to dislike/avoid political discussion, and with more political tolerance, less social dominance orientation, and more values and behavioral intentions focused on social equality, even when controlling political orientation and other relevant factors. SIH was also associated with more positive and less negative views of an individual expressing a political viewpoint. Further, SIH moderated the extent to which initial agreement with a political statement resulted in opinion change on the basis of hearing another person's arguments on the topic. These findings may point to ways SIH is relevant to people's attitudes toward others in society.</p> Elizabeth J. Krumrei-Mancuso, Brian Newman Copyright (c) 2021 Elizabeth J. Krumrei-Mancuso, Brian Newman Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 Favouring a Disunited Kingdom? How Negative Perceptions of the EU-Referendum Relate to Individual Mobility and Collective Action Considerations <p>One consequence of the EU-referendum’s pro-Brexit outcome was a renewed call for Scottish independence. Supporting this call can be construed as a form of collective action Scots may engage in. However, Scots may also consider individual mobility strategies including - in extreme cases - emigration. The current research investigated how identity-dynamics relate to these identity management strategies in post-referendum Scotland. We found a positive association between perceiving the EU-referendum as having violated expectations and considering individual mobility responses, mediated by identity subversion (i.e., the perception that the referendum results fundamentally changed the UK’s identity). Furthermore, we found that perceiving the EU-referendum as having violated expectations was related to higher collective action intentions, mediated by disidentification from UK citizens. Taken together, these findings underscore the pervasive role social identity processes play in shaping political decisions and individual behaviour.</p> Lara Ditrich, Edit Z. Gedeon, Kai Sassenberg Copyright (c) 2021 Lara Ditrich, Edit Z. Gedeon, Kai Sassenberg Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800 How (Many) Descriptive Claims About Political Polarization Exacerbate Polarization <p>Recently, researchers and reporters have made a wide range of claims about the distribution, nature, and societal impact of political polarization. Here I offer reasons to believe that even when they are correct and prima facie merely descriptive, many of these claims have the highly negative side effect of increasing political polarization. This is because of the interplay of two factors that have so far been neglected in the work on political polarization, namely that (1) people tend to conform to descriptive norms (i.e., norms capturing [perceptions of] what others commonly do, think, or feel), and that (2) claims about political polarization often convey such norms. Many of these claims thus incline people to behave, cognize, and be affectively disposed in ways that contribute to social division. But there is a silver lining. People’s tendency to conform to descriptive norms also provides the basis for developing new, experimentally testable strategies for counteracting political polarization. I outline three.</p> Uwe Peters Copyright (c) 2021 Uwe Peters Fri, 19 Feb 2021 00:00:00 -0800